Cyprus
72. Intelligence Note Prepared in the Bureau of Intelligence and
Research1
RNAN–12 Washington, February 21, 1973.
CYPRUS: WILL MAKARIOS’ NEW MANDATE SPUR
INTERCOMMUNAL TALKS?
Archbishop Makarios has been proclaimed President for a third 5-
year term. The February 18 election was cancelled in the absence of a
candidate in opposition to Makarios.
Arally arranged for February 8 to climax Makarios’ campaign and
to mark his “reelection” came off without incident. The crowd, however,
was somewhat smaller than expected by Makarios supporters,
thanks in large measure to the campaign of violence launched last
month by the pro-enosis zealot, General Grivas. This campaign, apparently
designed to embarrass the Archbishop and intimidate his followers,
reached a climax when some 20 police stations were raided the
night of February 6–7 and emptied of arms and ammunition.
Heretofore careful to keep his criticism of Grivas within prudent
limits, Makarios has met the General’s most recent challenge with
scathing verbal attacks. Without naming him, he has taunted Grivas,
in effect, for being so afraid of defeat that he did not put forth a candidate
in opposition to Makarios.
Overtures Toward the Right. Secure in his new mandate, Makarios
has recently indicated his intention to start a dialogue with the right.
He also plans to call on the two Greek Cypriot center parties to unite.
These efforts at fence-mending should serve to enhance Makarios’ position
as national leader. They also point to the possibility that Makarios
is becoming embarrassed by his reliance on a base of support that
includes a large leftist contingent. It is doubtful, however, that he would
go so far as to risk alienating the left, since the center and right could
not be expected to fill the gap created by a defection of the wellorganized
Communist Party (AKEL) and independent leftists.
http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/96606.pdf
Good readings... Knowledge is power! Get it!
by halil » Sun Mar 08, 2009 11:46 pm
ya sabır insan ......
you are talking about Cyprus and Cyprus readings ...... let them to talk about Turkey ! Gardash .....
it is the only one way they thinks they can run away from Cyprus truth ....
run away fram Cyprus flywheel !
you are talking about Cyprus and Cyprus readings ...... let them to talk about Turkey ! Gardash .....
it is the only one way they thinks they can run away from Cyprus truth ....
run away fram Cyprus flywheel !
- halil
- Main Contributor
- Posts: 8804
- Joined: Fri Mar 09, 2007 2:21 pm
- Location: nicosia
by insan » Sun Mar 08, 2009 11:58 pm
halil wrote:ya sabır insan ......
you are talking about Cyprus and Cyprus readings ...... let them to talk about Turkey ! Gardash .....
it is the only one way they thinks they can run away from Cyprus truth ....
run away fram Cyprus flywheel !
Well said gardash. NATO kafa, NATO mermer.
-
insan - Main Contributor
- Posts: 9044
- Joined: Mon Jun 30, 2003 11:33 pm
- Location: Somewhere in ur network. ;]
by growuptcs » Mon Mar 09, 2009 12:00 am
halil wrote:ya sabır insan ......
you are talking about Cyprus and Cyprus readings ...... let them to talk about Turkey ! Gardash .....
it is the only one way they thinks they can run away from Cyprus truth ....
run away fram Cyprus flywheel !
GC's are trying to deal with whose in charge halil, which is group Turkey. Not the comic messengers who are promised virgins and things.
- growuptcs
- Regular Contributor
- Posts: 1088
- Joined: Mon Oct 03, 2005 6:40 pm
by halil » Mon Mar 09, 2009 12:16 am
Dr Georgios Nakratzas
Chest-physician, Writer
Postbox 50573
54013 Thessaloniki
Greece
E-mail: [email protected]
To: Mr. Prodi,
The Members of the European Parliament
Thessaloniki 29 August 2001
Dear Mr. Prodi, and Members of the European Parliament,
In view of the fact that the negotiations on the entry of the Republic of Cyprus into the European Union are shortly to enter a new and more urgent phase, as a Greek supporter of the rights of minorities in the Greek-speaking world I feel I should draw your attention to the conduct of the Greek Cypriot majority towards the Turkish Cypriot minority in 1963.
In the international press the year 1974 is referred to as the starting point of the problems of the Republic of Cyprus. And this was indeed the year when the Greek junta organized a military intervention in Cyprus intended to lead to the assassination of the President, Archbishop Makarios.
It was this criminal action on the part of Greece, which offered Turkey the pretext it needed for direct military intervention in Cyprus in its capacity as third guarantor power.
The Republic of Cyprus still derives its legitimacy from the treaty of Geneva, signed in 1959, but its political problems date from 1963.
It was in this year that the Cypriot President, Archbishop Makarios, violated the Geneva treaty by attempting to use military force to annul 13 articles of the Cypriot Constitution, thereby removing almost all the rights of the Turkish Cypriot minority as established in 1959.
Subsequently the Turkish Cypriot population was obliged to live for the next 11 years within the confines of 6 enclaves, making up just 4.86% of Cypriot territory. In 1974, following the Turkish military intervention, the Turkish Cypriots were removed to the northern part of the island. For further details of the events of 1963 I refer you to the article below, written by myself and published in 1999 in one of the smaller Athens newspapers.
In my view it would be a tragic mistake to admit Cyprus into the European Union before a final settlement of its political problem has been reached – one acceptable to the Turkish Cypriot minority. Postponement of a definitive solution until the period following the island’s entry into the European Union would constitute a violation of the rights of the Turkish Cypriot minority which would lead to a situation in certain ways comparable to that prevailing today in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Nea Anatoli
Organ of the Central Committee of the O.A.K.K.E or O.R.C.P.G
Offices: Halkokondyli 35, tel./fax ++30 1 5232553
Athens , Friday 1 October 1999, No. 337, 200 dr.
___________________________________________________________________
The Bloody Co-existence of
Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots
(1963–1974)
George Nakratzas
Any nationalist expansionist policy can be carried out only by means of war. And the people have to be psychologically prepared for this by a propaganda device, which idealises their own acts and demonizes those of the enemy.
Greece has employed this device in the past, and continues to do so today, one typical exponent being the new Archbishop of Athens, Christodoulos, who has publicly, in the presence of the President of the Hellenic Republic, referred to the Turks as ‘the eastern barbarians’.
It is a well-known fact that the Turks treated the Greek minority in Istanbul with great barbarity in 1955; and it is equally well known that dozens, if not hundreds, of Greek Cypriot captives were executed in Cyprus in 1974. Rauf Denktash has publicly admitted it.
But what the young people of Greece have no idea of is that Turkish Cypriots were murdered by the parastatal groups run by Sampson, Yeorgadzis, and Lyssaridis between 1963 and 1967. It should be borne in mind that at that time the Cypriot government was responsible for safeguarding the life, the honour, and the property of all Cypriot citizens, irrespective of national or religious identity.
A somewhat more detailed analysis of the Greek and foreign literature on the events in Cyprus in this period may fill the gap in young modern Greeks’ knowledge.
The invasion of Cyprus by the Turkish army in 1974 resulted in the partition of the island into two zones, a northern zone populated by Turkish Cypriots and Turkish settlers and a southern zone populated by Greek Cypriots. Since then, the Cypriot government has steadfastly demanded the withdrawal of the Turkish occupation forces so that Cyprus may be restored to its former status. However, a study of the relations between the two communities between 1963 and 1967 may tell us something about the quality of their ‘peaceful co-existence’.
Regarding the Greek Cypriots’ supposed intention to live in peace and equality with the Turkish Cypriots, an extract from a speech by Archbishop Makarios in the village of Panayia is particularly telling. It is quoted by Rustem and Brother, according to whom, on 4 September 1962, Makarios said: Until this small Turkish community, forming a part of the Turkish race, which has been the terrible enemy of Hellenism, is expelled, the duty of the heroes of EOKA can never be considered as terminated. (1, p. 47)
A letter from Denktash protesting about the Panayia speech was never answered.
Fourteen months later, on 30 November 1963, Makarios submitted his famous thirteen-point amendment of the Constitution, in direct contravention, as he himself publicly admitted, of the Geneva Convention (2, p. 56). The Geneva Convention ruled out any unilateral change to the Cypriot Constitution, as also any partition of the island or unification with Greece. It should be borne in mind that even today the Republic of Cyprus derives its legitimacy from the Geneva Convention.
Makarios’s proposed changes would have meant that the Turkish Vice-President would lose his right of veto and would be elected not by the Turkish Cypriots but by the parliamentary majority, i.e. the Greek Cypriots. These two articles, together with another nine similar ones, would have lost the Turkish Cypriots the rights which the Cypriot Constitution had guaranteed them until then.
The Cypriot mass media presented the Turkish Cypriots’ refusal to accept this unilateral amendment of the Constitution as ‘Turkish insubordination to the state’, which was quite untrue, because, as we have seen, from a legal point of view it was not the Turkish Cypriots, but Makarios who had made a unilateral, arbitrary attempt to violate the Constitution.
General Karayannis, Commander of the Cypriot National Guard, confirmed that it was not the Turks who initiated the so-called insubordination in an interview in Ethnikos Kirix on 15 June 1965:
When the Turks objected to the amendment of the Constitution, Archbishop Makarios put his plan into effect and the Greek attack began in December 1963. (3, p. 87)
That Makarios had a premeditated plan to exterminate the Turks is also indirectly confirmed by the Communist Party of Cyprus, which published the following critique of the Archbishop in issue No. 57 of its organ Neos Dimokratis in July 1979: Armed by Makarios, Mr Lyssaridis . . . formed his own armed bands, which, in 1963–4, together with those of Yeorgadzis and Sampson, waged a ‘liberation struggle’ against the Turkish Cypriots and as a result brought us the Green Line and, eventually, Attila. (2, p. 67)
That the sole purpose of the so-called liberation struggle was to force the Turkish Cypriots to yield to Makarios’s unilateral amendment of the Constitution is also officially revealed by an article in the Cypriot newspaper Haravyi, which was published on the second day of the clashes, 22 December 1963: And since it is accepted that the tension is the result of the climate created by the Zurich and London agreements and the undemocratic terms of the Constitution, . . . the Turkish government, . . . which is inflaming the tempers of our fanatical compatriots, and the Turkish Cypriot leadership must reconsider their negative attitude and approach the President of the Republic’s proposals in a constructive manner. (2, p. 73)
The Greek Cypriot assault on the Turkish Cypriots started on 21 December 1963, when Greek Cypriot police officers shot and killed a Turkish Cypriot couple in the Turkish sector of Nicosia while attempting to carry out a spot check.
The most serious attack was the assault on Omorfita, a suburb of Nicosia
inhabited by 5,000 Turkish Cypriots. The Greek Cypriot parastatals were headed by
Nikos Sampson, whom the Greek Cypriot press henceforth dubbed ‘the conqueror of Omorfita’. The material damage wreaked by Sampson’s parastatals in Omorfita is described in the UN Secretary General’s report No. S/5950 to the Security Council, which states that 50 houses were totally destroyed and 240 partially destroyed (4, para. 180). As for the human losses, 4,500 Turkish Cypriots managed to flee to the Turkish sector of Nicosia and 500 were captured and taken to Kykkos School in Nicosia, where they were held with 150 Turkish Cypriots from the village of Kumsal.
On Christmas day, 150 of the 700 or so captives were selected and dragged away, and the sound of shooting followed.
Gibbon reports that an English teacher at Kykkos School told the High Commission that she had seen the results of the shooting; whereupon, for security reasons, the British administration put her on the first plane to London, because she was the only eye witness to what had happened (5, p. 139). As for the 150 captives, the Greek Cypriot authorities told their families for many years that they should regard them as missing. Other major assaults by the Greek Cypriots near Nicosia targeted the villages of Mathiati, Ayos Vassilios, and Kumsal. In Kumsal, the Greek Cypriot parastatals executed 150 people in cold blood.
The most apalling photograph, which went round the world, showed three small children and their mother lying dead in a pool of blood in the bath in their home. These unfortunates were the family of Major Ilhan, an officer in the Turkish expeditionary force in Nicosia (3, p. 95).
In the surgical clinic in Nicosia Hospital, the Greek Cypriots dragged from their beds twenty-two Turkish Cypriot convalescents, all trace of whom vanished for ever (3, 91).
Government and parastatal armed forces continued their attacks on the Turkish Cypriots over the next four months. One notable incident, which almost provoked a Greek–Turkish war, took place at Famagusta, where, on 11 May 1964, three Greek officers and a Greek Cypriot policeman took their car into the Turkish sector, possibly intending to make a display of power. A Turkish Cypriot policeman attempted to obstruct them, there was an exchange of fire, and in the end two of the Greek officers, the Greek Cypriot policeman, and a passing Turkish Cypriot lay dead. Two days later, the Greek Cypriots abducted thirty-two Turkish Cypriots, who were never seen again. The abduction is confirmed by the UN Secretary General’s report No. S/5764 (6, para. 93).
Lastly, on 9 August 1964, there was the attack on the Turkish Cypriot enclave of Kokkina–Mansoura, where the Turkish air force ended the hostilities by dropping napalm bombs.
The UN Secretary General’s report No. S/5950, para. 142, tells us that, during the period of the hostilities ― from 21 December 1963 to 8 June 1964 ― 43 Greek Cypriots and 232 Turkish Cypriots disappeared and have been officially posted as missing ever since. The missing Turkish Cypriots include the 150 hostages from Kykkos School in Nicosia and the 32 abductees from Famagusta.
The Cypriot media constantly show pictures of Greek Cypriot women holding photographs of their nearest and dearest and seeking information about their whereabouts; yet the Greek media have never shown similar pictures of Turkish Cypriot women seeking information about their own lost relations.
The termination of the Cypriot government’s assaults on the Turkish Cypriots led to the creation of Turkish Cypriot enclaves, where the Turkish Cypriot refugees lived in wretched conditions for no less than eleven years. According to Kranidiotis, in his book Unfortified State: Cyprus 1960–74 (in Greek), these enclaves occupied 4.86 per cent of Cypriot territory Seeing that the Greek Cypriot armed bands were unable to assert themselves over the Turks, . . . on 26 December, Makarios was obliged to accept the Green Line. . . . Six large Turkish enclaves were formed, . . . which corresponded to 4.86 per cent of the territory of Cyprus. (2, p. 75)
From 1964 to 1967, owing to the restrictive measures imposed by the Greek Cypriot government, the day-to-day efforts of the confined Turkish Cypriots consisted exclusively in a struggle for survival. Apart from imposing an economic embargo on the enclaves, the Makarios administration also banned the supply of strategic commodities, such as cement, tractors, men’s socks, and wollen clothing.
The imposition of the military dictatorship in Greece in 1967 heralded fresh problems for Cyprus. On 15 November 1967, Greek and Greek Cypriot forces armed with cannon, machine-guns, and bazookas attacked the lightly armed Turkish Cypriots in the villages of Ayos Theodoros and Kofinou in the Larnaca area. As the defences crumbled, the Greek Cypriots killed twenty-seven Turkish Cypriots (3, p. 139).
The incident brought Greece and Turkey to the brink of war, which was avoided only when the illicit Greek division and General Grivas were recalled from Cyprus.
The slaughter and looting at Kofinou were confirmed in the Greek parliament on 21 February 1986 by Andreas Papandreou, who spoke, inter alia, of the ‘great provocation of 15 November 1967,’ and added that the operation had been ‘ordered by the Supreme Command of the Greek Armed Forces [and] killing and looting took place’ (2, p. 33).
The military junta brought its political career to an end in 1974 with the invasion of Cyprus and an attempt on Makarios’s life. We shall not discuss subsequent events here, because both warring sides perpetrated crimes against humanity during that period.
Even now, both the Greek and the Turkish propaganda do their best to convince us that such acts of barbarity were commited exclusively by the other side. But this sort of propaganda is mainly intended for domestic consumption.
What needs noting is that a war was fought between two nations in 1974, and it is usually the case in any war situation that criminal elements seize the opportunity to legitimise acts that would land them in prison in peace time. The reason why the blame lies so heavily on the Greek Cypriot side is the fact that, between 1963 and 1967, the Cypriot government was exclusively responsible for any acts committed by Greek Cypriot government or parastatal armed forces.
During the forthcoming talks on the island’s entry into the European Union, the Republic of Cyprus will have two questions to answer.
Since the Cypriot government refuses
either to recognise the Turkish Cypriot state
or
2) to countenance a loose Greek–Turkish Cypriot confederation,
Which of the two remaining solutions has it in mind?
That the Turkish Cypriots should return to the villages in which they
were living before 1963?
or
That the Turkish Cypriots should return to the enclaves in which they were confined for eleven years?
Literatur
1. Rustem, and Brother,. (1998) : Excerpta Cypria For Today
Edited by Andrew Faulds MP , Lefkosha-Istanbul-London
The Friends of North Cyprus Parliamentary Group
The House of Commons, London SW1, ISBN 9963-565-09-3
2. Το κυπριακό και τα διεθνιστικά καθήκοντα των ελληνοκύπριων επαναστατών.
2η έκδοση, εκδόσεις « Εργατική Δημοκρατία », Μάιος 1989, Αθήνα.
3. Oberling, P., (1982) : The Road to Bellapais, Social Science Monographs, Boulder
Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York, ISBN 88033-0000-7
4. Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Counsil on the United Nations
operation in Cyprus , Document S/5950, 10 September 1964.
5. Gibbons, H, S., (1997) : The Genocide Files
Charles Bravos, Publishers, London , ISBN 0-9514464-2-8
6. Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Counsil on the United Nations
operation in Cyprus , Document S/5764, 15 Juni 1964.
Chest-physician, Writer
Postbox 50573
54013 Thessaloniki
Greece
E-mail: [email protected]
To: Mr. Prodi,
The Members of the European Parliament
Thessaloniki 29 August 2001
Dear Mr. Prodi, and Members of the European Parliament,
In view of the fact that the negotiations on the entry of the Republic of Cyprus into the European Union are shortly to enter a new and more urgent phase, as a Greek supporter of the rights of minorities in the Greek-speaking world I feel I should draw your attention to the conduct of the Greek Cypriot majority towards the Turkish Cypriot minority in 1963.
In the international press the year 1974 is referred to as the starting point of the problems of the Republic of Cyprus. And this was indeed the year when the Greek junta organized a military intervention in Cyprus intended to lead to the assassination of the President, Archbishop Makarios.
It was this criminal action on the part of Greece, which offered Turkey the pretext it needed for direct military intervention in Cyprus in its capacity as third guarantor power.
The Republic of Cyprus still derives its legitimacy from the treaty of Geneva, signed in 1959, but its political problems date from 1963.
It was in this year that the Cypriot President, Archbishop Makarios, violated the Geneva treaty by attempting to use military force to annul 13 articles of the Cypriot Constitution, thereby removing almost all the rights of the Turkish Cypriot minority as established in 1959.
Subsequently the Turkish Cypriot population was obliged to live for the next 11 years within the confines of 6 enclaves, making up just 4.86% of Cypriot territory. In 1974, following the Turkish military intervention, the Turkish Cypriots were removed to the northern part of the island. For further details of the events of 1963 I refer you to the article below, written by myself and published in 1999 in one of the smaller Athens newspapers.
In my view it would be a tragic mistake to admit Cyprus into the European Union before a final settlement of its political problem has been reached – one acceptable to the Turkish Cypriot minority. Postponement of a definitive solution until the period following the island’s entry into the European Union would constitute a violation of the rights of the Turkish Cypriot minority which would lead to a situation in certain ways comparable to that prevailing today in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Nea Anatoli
Organ of the Central Committee of the O.A.K.K.E or O.R.C.P.G
Offices: Halkokondyli 35, tel./fax ++30 1 5232553
Athens , Friday 1 October 1999, No. 337, 200 dr.
___________________________________________________________________
The Bloody Co-existence of
Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots
(1963–1974)
George Nakratzas
Any nationalist expansionist policy can be carried out only by means of war. And the people have to be psychologically prepared for this by a propaganda device, which idealises their own acts and demonizes those of the enemy.
Greece has employed this device in the past, and continues to do so today, one typical exponent being the new Archbishop of Athens, Christodoulos, who has publicly, in the presence of the President of the Hellenic Republic, referred to the Turks as ‘the eastern barbarians’.
It is a well-known fact that the Turks treated the Greek minority in Istanbul with great barbarity in 1955; and it is equally well known that dozens, if not hundreds, of Greek Cypriot captives were executed in Cyprus in 1974. Rauf Denktash has publicly admitted it.
But what the young people of Greece have no idea of is that Turkish Cypriots were murdered by the parastatal groups run by Sampson, Yeorgadzis, and Lyssaridis between 1963 and 1967. It should be borne in mind that at that time the Cypriot government was responsible for safeguarding the life, the honour, and the property of all Cypriot citizens, irrespective of national or religious identity.
A somewhat more detailed analysis of the Greek and foreign literature on the events in Cyprus in this period may fill the gap in young modern Greeks’ knowledge.
The invasion of Cyprus by the Turkish army in 1974 resulted in the partition of the island into two zones, a northern zone populated by Turkish Cypriots and Turkish settlers and a southern zone populated by Greek Cypriots. Since then, the Cypriot government has steadfastly demanded the withdrawal of the Turkish occupation forces so that Cyprus may be restored to its former status. However, a study of the relations between the two communities between 1963 and 1967 may tell us something about the quality of their ‘peaceful co-existence’.
Regarding the Greek Cypriots’ supposed intention to live in peace and equality with the Turkish Cypriots, an extract from a speech by Archbishop Makarios in the village of Panayia is particularly telling. It is quoted by Rustem and Brother, according to whom, on 4 September 1962, Makarios said: Until this small Turkish community, forming a part of the Turkish race, which has been the terrible enemy of Hellenism, is expelled, the duty of the heroes of EOKA can never be considered as terminated. (1, p. 47)
A letter from Denktash protesting about the Panayia speech was never answered.
Fourteen months later, on 30 November 1963, Makarios submitted his famous thirteen-point amendment of the Constitution, in direct contravention, as he himself publicly admitted, of the Geneva Convention (2, p. 56). The Geneva Convention ruled out any unilateral change to the Cypriot Constitution, as also any partition of the island or unification with Greece. It should be borne in mind that even today the Republic of Cyprus derives its legitimacy from the Geneva Convention.
Makarios’s proposed changes would have meant that the Turkish Vice-President would lose his right of veto and would be elected not by the Turkish Cypriots but by the parliamentary majority, i.e. the Greek Cypriots. These two articles, together with another nine similar ones, would have lost the Turkish Cypriots the rights which the Cypriot Constitution had guaranteed them until then.
The Cypriot mass media presented the Turkish Cypriots’ refusal to accept this unilateral amendment of the Constitution as ‘Turkish insubordination to the state’, which was quite untrue, because, as we have seen, from a legal point of view it was not the Turkish Cypriots, but Makarios who had made a unilateral, arbitrary attempt to violate the Constitution.
General Karayannis, Commander of the Cypriot National Guard, confirmed that it was not the Turks who initiated the so-called insubordination in an interview in Ethnikos Kirix on 15 June 1965:
When the Turks objected to the amendment of the Constitution, Archbishop Makarios put his plan into effect and the Greek attack began in December 1963. (3, p. 87)
That Makarios had a premeditated plan to exterminate the Turks is also indirectly confirmed by the Communist Party of Cyprus, which published the following critique of the Archbishop in issue No. 57 of its organ Neos Dimokratis in July 1979: Armed by Makarios, Mr Lyssaridis . . . formed his own armed bands, which, in 1963–4, together with those of Yeorgadzis and Sampson, waged a ‘liberation struggle’ against the Turkish Cypriots and as a result brought us the Green Line and, eventually, Attila. (2, p. 67)
That the sole purpose of the so-called liberation struggle was to force the Turkish Cypriots to yield to Makarios’s unilateral amendment of the Constitution is also officially revealed by an article in the Cypriot newspaper Haravyi, which was published on the second day of the clashes, 22 December 1963: And since it is accepted that the tension is the result of the climate created by the Zurich and London agreements and the undemocratic terms of the Constitution, . . . the Turkish government, . . . which is inflaming the tempers of our fanatical compatriots, and the Turkish Cypriot leadership must reconsider their negative attitude and approach the President of the Republic’s proposals in a constructive manner. (2, p. 73)
The Greek Cypriot assault on the Turkish Cypriots started on 21 December 1963, when Greek Cypriot police officers shot and killed a Turkish Cypriot couple in the Turkish sector of Nicosia while attempting to carry out a spot check.
The most serious attack was the assault on Omorfita, a suburb of Nicosia
inhabited by 5,000 Turkish Cypriots. The Greek Cypriot parastatals were headed by
Nikos Sampson, whom the Greek Cypriot press henceforth dubbed ‘the conqueror of Omorfita’. The material damage wreaked by Sampson’s parastatals in Omorfita is described in the UN Secretary General’s report No. S/5950 to the Security Council, which states that 50 houses were totally destroyed and 240 partially destroyed (4, para. 180). As for the human losses, 4,500 Turkish Cypriots managed to flee to the Turkish sector of Nicosia and 500 were captured and taken to Kykkos School in Nicosia, where they were held with 150 Turkish Cypriots from the village of Kumsal.
On Christmas day, 150 of the 700 or so captives were selected and dragged away, and the sound of shooting followed.
Gibbon reports that an English teacher at Kykkos School told the High Commission that she had seen the results of the shooting; whereupon, for security reasons, the British administration put her on the first plane to London, because she was the only eye witness to what had happened (5, p. 139). As for the 150 captives, the Greek Cypriot authorities told their families for many years that they should regard them as missing. Other major assaults by the Greek Cypriots near Nicosia targeted the villages of Mathiati, Ayos Vassilios, and Kumsal. In Kumsal, the Greek Cypriot parastatals executed 150 people in cold blood.
The most apalling photograph, which went round the world, showed three small children and their mother lying dead in a pool of blood in the bath in their home. These unfortunates were the family of Major Ilhan, an officer in the Turkish expeditionary force in Nicosia (3, p. 95).
In the surgical clinic in Nicosia Hospital, the Greek Cypriots dragged from their beds twenty-two Turkish Cypriot convalescents, all trace of whom vanished for ever (3, 91).
Government and parastatal armed forces continued their attacks on the Turkish Cypriots over the next four months. One notable incident, which almost provoked a Greek–Turkish war, took place at Famagusta, where, on 11 May 1964, three Greek officers and a Greek Cypriot policeman took their car into the Turkish sector, possibly intending to make a display of power. A Turkish Cypriot policeman attempted to obstruct them, there was an exchange of fire, and in the end two of the Greek officers, the Greek Cypriot policeman, and a passing Turkish Cypriot lay dead. Two days later, the Greek Cypriots abducted thirty-two Turkish Cypriots, who were never seen again. The abduction is confirmed by the UN Secretary General’s report No. S/5764 (6, para. 93).
Lastly, on 9 August 1964, there was the attack on the Turkish Cypriot enclave of Kokkina–Mansoura, where the Turkish air force ended the hostilities by dropping napalm bombs.
The UN Secretary General’s report No. S/5950, para. 142, tells us that, during the period of the hostilities ― from 21 December 1963 to 8 June 1964 ― 43 Greek Cypriots and 232 Turkish Cypriots disappeared and have been officially posted as missing ever since. The missing Turkish Cypriots include the 150 hostages from Kykkos School in Nicosia and the 32 abductees from Famagusta.
The Cypriot media constantly show pictures of Greek Cypriot women holding photographs of their nearest and dearest and seeking information about their whereabouts; yet the Greek media have never shown similar pictures of Turkish Cypriot women seeking information about their own lost relations.
The termination of the Cypriot government’s assaults on the Turkish Cypriots led to the creation of Turkish Cypriot enclaves, where the Turkish Cypriot refugees lived in wretched conditions for no less than eleven years. According to Kranidiotis, in his book Unfortified State: Cyprus 1960–74 (in Greek), these enclaves occupied 4.86 per cent of Cypriot territory Seeing that the Greek Cypriot armed bands were unable to assert themselves over the Turks, . . . on 26 December, Makarios was obliged to accept the Green Line. . . . Six large Turkish enclaves were formed, . . . which corresponded to 4.86 per cent of the territory of Cyprus. (2, p. 75)
From 1964 to 1967, owing to the restrictive measures imposed by the Greek Cypriot government, the day-to-day efforts of the confined Turkish Cypriots consisted exclusively in a struggle for survival. Apart from imposing an economic embargo on the enclaves, the Makarios administration also banned the supply of strategic commodities, such as cement, tractors, men’s socks, and wollen clothing.
The imposition of the military dictatorship in Greece in 1967 heralded fresh problems for Cyprus. On 15 November 1967, Greek and Greek Cypriot forces armed with cannon, machine-guns, and bazookas attacked the lightly armed Turkish Cypriots in the villages of Ayos Theodoros and Kofinou in the Larnaca area. As the defences crumbled, the Greek Cypriots killed twenty-seven Turkish Cypriots (3, p. 139).
The incident brought Greece and Turkey to the brink of war, which was avoided only when the illicit Greek division and General Grivas were recalled from Cyprus.
The slaughter and looting at Kofinou were confirmed in the Greek parliament on 21 February 1986 by Andreas Papandreou, who spoke, inter alia, of the ‘great provocation of 15 November 1967,’ and added that the operation had been ‘ordered by the Supreme Command of the Greek Armed Forces [and] killing and looting took place’ (2, p. 33).
The military junta brought its political career to an end in 1974 with the invasion of Cyprus and an attempt on Makarios’s life. We shall not discuss subsequent events here, because both warring sides perpetrated crimes against humanity during that period.
Even now, both the Greek and the Turkish propaganda do their best to convince us that such acts of barbarity were commited exclusively by the other side. But this sort of propaganda is mainly intended for domestic consumption.
What needs noting is that a war was fought between two nations in 1974, and it is usually the case in any war situation that criminal elements seize the opportunity to legitimise acts that would land them in prison in peace time. The reason why the blame lies so heavily on the Greek Cypriot side is the fact that, between 1963 and 1967, the Cypriot government was exclusively responsible for any acts committed by Greek Cypriot government or parastatal armed forces.
During the forthcoming talks on the island’s entry into the European Union, the Republic of Cyprus will have two questions to answer.
Since the Cypriot government refuses
either to recognise the Turkish Cypriot state
or
2) to countenance a loose Greek–Turkish Cypriot confederation,
Which of the two remaining solutions has it in mind?
That the Turkish Cypriots should return to the villages in which they
were living before 1963?
or
That the Turkish Cypriots should return to the enclaves in which they were confined for eleven years?
Literatur
1. Rustem, and Brother,. (1998) : Excerpta Cypria For Today
Edited by Andrew Faulds MP , Lefkosha-Istanbul-London
The Friends of North Cyprus Parliamentary Group
The House of Commons, London SW1, ISBN 9963-565-09-3
2. Το κυπριακό και τα διεθνιστικά καθήκοντα των ελληνοκύπριων επαναστατών.
2η έκδοση, εκδόσεις « Εργατική Δημοκρατία », Μάιος 1989, Αθήνα.
3. Oberling, P., (1982) : The Road to Bellapais, Social Science Monographs, Boulder
Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York, ISBN 88033-0000-7
4. Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Counsil on the United Nations
operation in Cyprus , Document S/5950, 10 September 1964.
5. Gibbons, H, S., (1997) : The Genocide Files
Charles Bravos, Publishers, London , ISBN 0-9514464-2-8
6. Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Counsil on the United Nations
operation in Cyprus , Document S/5764, 15 Juni 1964.
- halil
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by christos1 » Mon Mar 09, 2009 9:07 am
You see here folks. This is exactly what I mean when I stated previously that Zan is a true representative of the TC community. Zan is a person who posts in several Topix, and other, forums with non stop anti Hellenic garbage. You seen a taste of it in this forum where he started reproducing Risto Stefov’s work and other similar irredentist work like from the United Macedonia Diaspora. This organization seeks a “United Macedonia” homeland. This tiny but extreme Slavic Diaspora think they can incorporate half of Greece into FYRoM. In other forums, he pretends to be a Slav so as to agitate Greeks and FYRoM slavs. In Zan, we are talking about a true anti Hellene.
Look how the Turks in this forum see Zan’s postings.
Halil pats Zan on the back and questions why there’re anti Turkish posts in this thread. Are they really anti Turkish posts? They maybe but it is all from reputable news agencies and organizations like ECHR and the UN. Did Halil question Zan as to why Zan was posting from websites like the australianmacedonianweekly in this thread and other threads? That’s not about Cyprus or Cyprus reading.
My friends, the Turks in this forum approve (with the exception of one) the spread of anti Hellenic rhetoric in this forum because they ARE anti Hellenic. But once you start posting about their beloved Turkey you get a response of why?
There is a lot of GCs in this forum who bend over backwards to try and create some true friendships with their fellow TC compatriots. I came to this forum to get a TCs perspective but all I see are extreme anti Hellenic rhetoric like why GCs have been breading so much and how half of Greece should be incorporated in FYRoM.
In conclusion.
To get a long with a TC in this forum, you have to be anti Hellenic. Hating who you are to get along with who they are.
Look how the Turks in this forum see Zan’s postings.
Halil pats Zan on the back and questions why there’re anti Turkish posts in this thread. Are they really anti Turkish posts? They maybe but it is all from reputable news agencies and organizations like ECHR and the UN. Did Halil question Zan as to why Zan was posting from websites like the australianmacedonianweekly in this thread and other threads? That’s not about Cyprus or Cyprus reading.
My friends, the Turks in this forum approve (with the exception of one) the spread of anti Hellenic rhetoric in this forum because they ARE anti Hellenic. But once you start posting about their beloved Turkey you get a response of why?
Why you post BBC links about Turkey. Why? This Cyprus forum.
There is a lot of GCs in this forum who bend over backwards to try and create some true friendships with their fellow TC compatriots. I came to this forum to get a TCs perspective but all I see are extreme anti Hellenic rhetoric like why GCs have been breading so much and how half of Greece should be incorporated in FYRoM.
In conclusion.
To get a long with a TC in this forum, you have to be anti Hellenic. Hating who you are to get along with who they are.
- christos1
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by yialousa1971 » Mon Mar 09, 2009 2:06 pm
christos1 wrote:You see here folks. This is exactly what I mean when I stated previously that Zan is a true representative of the TC community. Zan is a person who posts in several Topix, and other, forums with non stop anti Hellenic garbage. You seen a taste of it in this forum where he started reproducing Risto Stefov’s work and other similar irredentist work like from the United Macedonia Diaspora. This organization seeks a “United Macedonia” homeland. This tiny but extreme Slavic Diaspora think they can incorporate half of Greece into FYRoM. In other forums, he pretends to be a Slav so as to agitate Greeks and FYRoM slavs. In Zan, we are talking about a true anti Hellene.
Look how the Turks in this forum see Zan’s postings.
Halil pats Zan on the back and questions why there’re anti Turkish posts in this thread. Are they really anti Turkish posts? They maybe but it is all from reputable news agencies and organizations like ECHR and the UN. Did Halil question Zan as to why Zan was posting from websites like the australianmacedonianweekly in this thread and other threads? That’s not about Cyprus or Cyprus reading.
My friends, the Turks in this forum approve (with the exception of one) the spread of anti Hellenic rhetoric in this forum because they ARE anti Hellenic. But once you start posting about their beloved Turkey you get a response of why?Why you post BBC links about Turkey. Why? This Cyprus forum.
There is a lot of GCs in this forum who bend over backwards to try and create some true friendships with their fellow TC compatriots. I came to this forum to get a TCs perspective but all I see are extreme anti Hellenic rhetoric like why GCs have been breading so much and how half of Greece should be incorporated in FYRoM.
In conclusion.
To get a long with a TC in this forum, you have to be anti Hellenic. Hating who you are to get along with who they are.
All those fools share one thing, the Turkic blood in their veins. That's what draws the Skopian Monkeydonians to their Turkish friends, the Bulgur blood. FYROM, Former Republic of Mongoloids that's what it should stand for. A few years ago the Monkeydonians went to Qatar with their Turkish friends to the World Islamic Summit to try and get recognition of "Northern Cyprus" by as many muslim countries as possible.
Risto Stefov’s a fool that's why Zan is drawn to him, a fool to a fool.
When you talk about other forums do you mean this one:-
http://www.network54.com/Forum/248068/, this one is a collection points for their ant Hellenic lies. I also see alot of this bending backwards to the Turks, bringing us lower and lower while the Turk gets higher. I don't like it neither and the worst thing is that there are Greek Cypriots here who are anti Hellenic.
Wake up Greeks and don't let the barbarians humiliate us again!
Last edited by yialousa1971 on Mon Mar 09, 2009 2:15 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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yialousa1971 - Main Contributor
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by yialousa1971 » Mon Mar 09, 2009 2:22 pm
boomerang wrote:not the waff...please not the waff...
The Murph ain't gonna be happy
Bone head, I bend over backwards for the Turks, that's his name. That forum is a waste of space, the only good thing is to put the truth in the Turks face and watch him lie and lie making even a bigger fool of himself.
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yialousa1971 - Main Contributor
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by boomerang » Mon Mar 09, 2009 2:26 pm
yialousa1971 wrote:boomerang wrote:not the waff...please not the waff...
The Murph ain't gonna be happy
Bone head, I bend over backwards for the Turks, that's his name. That forum is a waste of space, the only good thing is to put the truth in the Turks face and watch him lie and lie making even a bigger fool of himself.
WAFF is always good for a laugh?
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